Showing posts with label debt. Show all posts
Showing posts with label debt. Show all posts

Monday, 30 May 2016

The Failure of Fiat Money


The 300 year old experiment in driving the economy by creating money is over. We've overpopulated the planet and consumed most of its resources. Creating more money to incentivize higher production, or growth – whether done fairly or not -- just won't work anymore. 

The Federal Reserve may for a time be able to manage a money supply appropriate more or less to a plateaued economy, even an economy as unfair as the one it maintains. But from now on any economy will be less and less able to deliver the goods and services expected by ever greater numbers of people. We face at best a long, slow squeeze, a zero-sum game with a shrinking pie. At worse we face a more acute crisis participated by some trigger event: runaway global warming, a large terrorist event or war, another major financial crash.

This time it's different. We face a true economic/ecological depression, not another financial depression, as so often in the past. Back in the 1930s, as on earlier occasions, we had a financial depression, that is, a speculative boom followed by a financial crash. At that time we still had plenty of productive resources and potential, room for population growth, and relatively few externalized costs.

The problem then was the refusal of the central banks or their equivalents to carry out any kind of quantitative easing (QE) or deficit spending when it could have worked; they choose instead to accept insolvency and liquidation on a large scale. But when the necessary stimulus came – in the form of a world war – the resources were there for the economy to rebound and debts to be absorbed. Today the potential for growth is gone. We had a classic financial crash in 2008, but few have noticed that it coincided with a profound, if slow-motion, global eco-crash. Both are still unfolding, and are now deeply intertwined.

Some recent history will be useful to understand how we got to this point:

The Fed, since the 2008 crash, has been using its power to create money to do two things: first, to recapitalize banks which otherwise would have failed, and, second, to absorb the excess debt of the US government. As a result, the big commercial banks have avoided insolvency and the federal government has been able to run continued deficits without rising interest rates.

The Fed recapitalized the banks by buying their toxic assets (mostly worthless mortgage-backed securities), and it absorbed excess US government debt by direct purchase of long-term government securities (quantitative easing). But this monetary "cure" for the financial crisis has turned out to be worse than the disease.

Buying the banks' toxic assets rewarded their moral hazard, their propensity to take risks in hopes of greater profits for themselves while deflecting the responsibility for losses onto others. Buying long-term government debt from the banks further increased their liquidity. More importantly, it guaranteed a market for Treasury bonds -- which likely would not otherwise have found adequate buyers – keeping the government solvent, but artificially so.

As a result of Fed bond purchases, interest rates on government securities, which normally would have risen to attract more buyers, were kept artificially low. These low rates were expected to encourage lending by the banks and to restimulate the economy, while minimizing interest payments on the government's rapidly expanding debt. As we can now see, six years later, the economy has not responded. Banks found far fewer borrowers than expected to put that all money to work, and the debt burden has exploded.

Unable to offload their bloated balance sheets, banks invested much of their excess cash in new speculative bubbles, especially in the equity markets which have soared to all-time highs. Although the banks not only survived but prospered, and the government has so far been able to meet its obligations, this new wealth went mostly not to the general public but to the infamous 1 percent who were able, in one way or another, to participate in the speculative bubbles unleashed by the banks.

Defenders of QE and the Fed argue that this policy averted a much greater threat of financial collapse, and that in due course economic recovery will take advantage of all that pent-up money in the financial system. A growing economic pie, as so often in the past, they tell us, will more than make up for the increased debt burden necessitated by QE, and in the end benefit all.

Critics of QE and the Fed on the other hand argue that the system is inherently designed to concentrate wealth in few hands, that the primary motive of Fed policy is to bail out the big banks and their investors, not serve the public, and, above all, that an enormous amount of new debt is being created in the process, debt that will saddle future generations of taxpayers and which seems unlikely ever to be paid off.

A growing progressive movement proposes to take monetary policy away from the Fed and put it directly under government control, either through a system of national pubic banking, or through issuance of a government-issued currency, modeled on Civil War greenbacks. Rather than prop up big banks, as in 2008, the idea is to use the money-creating power of central government in various ways to bail out individuals and deserving enterprises.

For instance, all deposits could be guaranteed, even in insolvent banks, by extending FDIC as needed. Similarly, underwater mortgages, unpayable health-care bills, onerous student loans, and out-of-control liabilities could be paid off directly by a reformed Fed or a new public bank, relieving millions of citizens of crushing financial burdens. At the same time, vast government-funded infrastructure programs could pump even more money into the economy.

Similarly, Treasury bonds purchased by the Fed could be cancelled, as suggested by Congressman Alan Grayson and others. The money paid for those bonds would be put back into circulation, without any need to continue to service those obligations. These and similar approaches, it is claimed, would put trillions of dollars of assets directly into people's pockets. Social justice would be served and the economy would be reignited.

This progressive monetary agenda puts great faith in the ability of a centralized government to act in the public interest. It presupposes that the government is reasonably accountable to the public. Given the current corruption and dysfunction in Washington, however, it is doubtful that this faith is warranted. A government-run monetary system, without drastic political reform, would almost certainly reflect the interests of lobbyists, government contractors, and other special interests. It would almost certainly end up creating an elite, perhaps every bit as exclusive as the current crop of one per centers spawned by Wall Street.

Progressives might object that even an imperfect system of financial redistribution would be better than what we have now. But they have to show how that would be so, and recent attempts at financial "reform" on the national level, such as Dodd-Frank, have conspicuously failed to break the grip of the traditional "money power."

The deeper dilemma here is that the traditional and progressive approaches both presuppose that the creation in some form of top-down fiat money will stimulate the economy. The Fed would do it through the traditional banking system, with all its flaws; the progressive critics of the Fed would do it through direct action by big government, in spite of its lack of public accountability. Unfortunately, the common assumption they share -- that we can spend our way out of financial difficulty -- no longer obtains.

There are fewer economic opportunities not because of a lack of money, but because the global economy has bumped up against the limits of growth (resource scarcity plus increasing externalized costs like pollution, climate change, overpopulation, etc.). This isn't the place to argue for the limits of growth. A vast – and to this writer, persuasive -- literature on the subject has been developed since the 1970s.

Those limits – mostly dismissed by "growth" enthusiasts -- are the real problem. And it's a problem not only for the banking system and traditional lending, as well as for government spending, but for all of us. Tragically, it would remain a problem even if debt-free fiat money were funneled directly into the hands of certain consumers, or private investors, or into government sponsored infrastructure projects. Even if such policies leveled the economic playing field, which is unlikely, they would not address the larger ecological disaster before us.

It's the difference between the Titanic going down with first class passengers getting preferential access to the lifeboats vs. everyone on the ship getting equal access to those lifeboats. Our moral preference might be for equal access, but, in the absence of well established egalitarian procedures and customs, equal access is also like to mean chaos and pandemonium. In the meantime, no matter what, the ship is going down.

If the purchasing power now locked up in big bank financial statements would have been distributed among the general population, especially those most in need, they would have had a better shot, to be sure, at claiming their share of dwindling resources. And a better infrastructure – a smart grid, a modernized rail system, renewable energy, broadband for all, etc. – would have helped as well.

In the short run, all that would have meant a better economy and a real measure of social justice. But, in the absence of real prospects for renewed economic growth, it would also, in the longer run, arguably have exacerbated the larger crisis by piling further demands on an already stressed eco-system with finite resources. The inconvenient truth, the elephant in the room, is that we have plateaued as an economy, and are headed down, how far we do not know. The kind of financial system appropriate to a drastically different kind of life has yet to be contemplated either by defenders of the status quo, or most of their critics.

Tuesday, 24 May 2016

The Ecology of Money: Debt, Growth, and Sustainability


"Modern economics must 'grow' because money borrowed for investment can be repaid only by expanding production and consumption to meet the burden of usurious rates of interest. The roots of this dynamic between debt and growth lay in the financial revolution of the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries in Britain, which establish a new usurious monetary system.

"For the first time in history credit was made widely available, but only on condition of an exponentially increasing debt burden. To pay back debts, production had to increase correspondingly, leading to the industrial revolution, economic 'growth,' and modernity itself. Though private creditors grained a monopoly over the creation of credit, and were disproportionately enriched, the resulting economic growth for a time was great enough to benefit most debtors as well as creditors, ensuring widespread prosperity.

"That is no longer the case. With today's eco-crisis we have reached the limits of growth. We no longer have the natural resources to grow fast enough to pay our debts. This is the real root of our current financial crisis. If we are to live sustainably, our system of money and credit must be transformed. We need a non-usurious monetary system appropriate to a steady-state economy, with capital broadly distributed at non-usurious rates of interest. Such a system was developed by an early nineteenth-century American thinker, Edward Kellogg, and is explored here in depth. His work inspired the populist movement and remains more relevant than ever as a viable alternative to a financial system we can no longer afford." 

--  from the blurb on the back cover of The Ecology of Money

The Ecology of Money was published by Lexington Books in 2013 and is available at Amazon.com  

A Summary of the Argument of The Ecology of Money in 10 Points:

1. Our ecological crisis is a consequence of the productive effort we must make to meet the demands of our financial system. This crisis is upon us since we no longer have the natural resources to sustain this effort.  

2. The roots of this financial-economic dynamic lie in the financial revolution of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in Holland and England, where credit and finance as we know them were invented.

3. Unfortunately, this financial revolution as completed in England: a) privatized credit, giving bankers a legal monopoly over money creation through issuing loans; b) created a national debt and a central bank to backstop private lending; and c) allowed bankers to charge high (usurious) rates of interest on loans. The Bank of England became the symbol of this "English system," as Alexander Hamilton called it, which was subsequently exported to America and most of the modern world. American populists called it "the money power."

4. Once key sectors of the economy came to depend on money borrowed at usurious rates of interest, it became necessary to keep expanding economic output. The obligation to repay such debts is what forced modern economies into endless "growth." Traditional, steady-state, reciprocal, sustainable economies were displaced by economies relentlessly seeking out new markets, technologies, resources, and laborers, and the industrial revolution -- and what we call "modernity" -- was born.

5. More than two centuries of economic "growth" have given us the miracle of the modern world, with all its astounding wealth and technology. That miracle has also exhausted our planet, which now staggers under the cumulative effects of resource depletion, pollution, overpopulation, and climate change. Insofar as the limits to growth have been reached, we can no longer hope to repay our debts, as in the past, by growing our way out of the crisis. 

6. Our "too big to fail" financial system has succeeded in transferring much of this excessive debt onto taxpayers, postponing and likely intensifying the final reckoning. We are further burdened by a dysfunctional political system -- largely corrupted by the same financial interests -- which is less and less responsive to the urgency of reform, which may now be impossible. 

7. The now inter-woven ecological and financial crisis is likely to play itself out no matter what we do. If so, the survivors will need to adjust to a dramatic downsizing and a return to sustainable economic practices. If civilization survives, it will need a financial system compatible with a steady-state, non-growth economy. 

8. The outlines of such a system actually exist: they were developed by a nineteenth-century American financial theorist, Edward Kellogg. He proposed a decentralized system of public banking, where citizens could borrow on good collateral at a non-usurious rate of interest fixed by law at one percent. Kellogg's system, which inspired American populists, is a model for financing a future sustainable economy.

9. To say that we can no longer tolerate exponential growth as we have known it is not to say that human ingenuity has no future, that profound innovations in human life are no longer possible, or that the vast store of scientific and technical knowledge born of the industrial revolution cannot be adapted to new circumstances. A sustainable, steady-state economy is not necessarily a static or primitive economy, though likely it will be a far more modest and prudent one.

10. Our immediate prospects, however, remain daunting. Human history has long swung between extremes -- boom and bust, feast and famine, peace and war, the rise and fall of civilizations -- and we have no reason to believe our era is exempt from that ancient dynamic. We are a resilient species, and the silver lining of any crisis has always been the opportunity to learn from our mistakes, an opportunity perhaps not otherwise possible. Let's make the best of it.

Sunday, 1 May 2016

Bank accounting and Money creation - The Rabbit in the hat BOOK




The Rabbit in the hat – bank accounting and money creation, wants to be a book that puts order in the topic, perhaps the first exclusively dedicated to the subject, at least in Italian. However, it is the first text to have a comprehensive analysis of all aspects of the creation of bank money, from accounting to legal ones, and the individual movements of money on the bank balance sheet in order to reconstruct, accurately, each accounting entry that allows banks not only to create their own means of payment to be used in the economy, but also to keep it in order to take advantage of monopoly situations.

The rabbit in the hat, in the title, wants precisely describe a sort of magician's trick, with which the banking system is able to produce an asset out of nothing without any business cycle. The money creation process is described in the preliminary analysis, in all the elements, from the contiguity between legal and bank money, to the accounting standards, reported and commented in a long chapter, passing by the inter-bank payments and clearing houses, where the trick of the magician acts before to put back the bank money in the balance sheet without destroying it. Attention is also given to "off balance sheet operations", a place outside the rules, where transit some monetary volumes largest of those shown in the financial statements, and to the reserves in liabilities, where the banks' owners can collect their shares.
A book that wants to be analytical but also help with the solution proposed by the various monetary reform movements.

Daniele Pace is a writer and independent researcher, has always been involved in the theme staunch supporter of the legal means of money.
In 2012 he published "The Utopian Money" by offering a future vision of free money from the debt and the Central Powers. He then wrote the comic book "Dialogues with Auriti" in 2014, for a disclosure in the simplest form on the theory of the ownership of money.
In 2015 it is the publication of "The Fruiterer Conspiracy", logical and critical analysis of the Quantitative Theory of Money that would, from about 3 centuries, inflation linked to the money supply, without any empirical evidence.

In Italy is a speaker at many conferences, as well as having the informational space in the web TV Salvo5puntozero.

Table of Contents
PREFACE

FIRST PART
PRELIMINARY ANALYSY
Introduction
The existence of bank money and the data
1. Monetary base and bank money
1.1 The definition of money and monetary aggregates
1.2 The difference between the monetary base and bank money
1.3 The bank money between "sight debt" and deposit
2. The bank deposit and the Italian Civil Code
3. The Bank Balance sheets
4. Accounting definitions in the International Standards
4.1 The double entry accounting
4.2 The audit and control of the balance sheet
4.3 Useful definitions in international accounting standards
4.4 Money and accounting recognition. Because the bank does not
     destroy the money
4.5 Accounting definitions and creation of deposit money. Because
     the bank can create money
4.6 Accounting definitions. Conclusions
5. Money creation and credit
5.1 The money multiplier and the recognition criteria
5.2 The potential of the monetary deposit multiplier
6. The restrictions to the monetary creation
6.1 The liquidity reserve requirements (LRR)
6.2 The liquidity risk
7. Inter-bank payments
7.1 The establishment of the modern clearing house
7.2 The national clearing system
7.3 TARGET 2
7.4 The PM and HAM accounts
7.5 The Intraday credit
7.6 E-MID
7.7 Conclusions

SECOND PART
RABBIT IN THE HAT

8. The rabbit in the hat
8.1. A medieval practice: the fairs and the first clearing
8.2. The clearing house and bank balance sheet
9. The accounting entries from the creation to the repayment
    of the loan
9.1.1. The customer α asks € 100 loan to the bank A
9.1.2. Α the customer pays € 100 to a supplier, customer β of
     the bank B
9.1.3. The netting at the end of the day: Bank A pays € 100 to
     the bank B
9.1.4. The netting at end of the day: The bank B receives € 100
     from Bank A
9.1.5 The customer α returned the € 100 loan to the bank in cash
9.1.6 The customer α returned the € 100 loan to the bank A
     via current account
9.2. The dynamism of interbank payment flows
9.2.1 Adjustment of budgetary imbalances
9.2.2 The balance equity with funding from the loan
9.2.3 The off-balance sheet
10. The Reserves
11. Simplified framework
12. Taxes, failures and solutions
12.1 The banks pay taxes?
12.2 Banks can fail?
12.3 The solutions
13. Conclusions


To buy the paperback click below    To buy the PDF book click below


                                  

Thursday, 4 February 2016

The Citadel Is Breached: Congress Taps the Fed for Infrastructure Funding

In a landmark infrastructure bill passed in December, Congress finally penetrated the Fed’s “independence” by tapping its reserves and bank dividends for infrastructure funding.
The bill was a start. But some experts, including Congressional candidate Tim Canova, say Congress should go further and authorize funds to be issued for infrastructure directly.
For at least a decade, think tanks, commissions and other stakeholders have fought to get Congress to address the staggering backlog of maintenance, upkeep and improvements required to bring the nation’s infrastructure into the 21st century. Countries with less in the way of assets have overtaken the US in innovation and efficiency, while our dysfunctional Congress has battled endlessly over the fiscal cliff, tax reform, entitlement reform, and deficit reduction.
Both houses and both political parties agree that something must be done, but they have been unable to agree on where to find the funds. Republicans aren’t willing to raise taxes on the rich, and Democrats aren’t willing to cut social services for the poor.
In December 2015, however, a compromise was finally reached. On December 4, the last day the Department of Transportation was authorized to cut checks for highway and transit projects, President Obama signed a 1,300-page $305-billion transportation infrastructure bill that renewed existing highway and transit programs. According to America’s civil engineers, the sum was not nearly enough for all the work that needs to be done. But the bill was nevertheless considered a landmark achievement, because Congress has not been able to agree on how to fund a long-term highway and transit bill since 2005.
That was one of its landmark achievements. Less publicized was where Congress would get the money: largely from the Federal Reserve and Wall Street megabanks. The deal was summarized in a December 1st Bloomberg article titled “Highway Bill Compromise Would Take Money from US Banks”:
The highway measure would be financed in part by a one-time use of Federal Reserve surplus funds and by a reduction in the 6 percent dividend that national banks receive from the Fed. . . . Banks with $10 billion or less in assets would be exempt from the cut.
The Fed’s surplus capital comes from the 12 reserve banks. The highway bill would allow for a one-time draw of $19 billion from the surplus, which totaled $29.3 billion as of Nov. 25. . . .
Banks vigorously fought the dividend cut, which was estimated to generate about $17 billion over 10 years for the highway trust fund.
According to Zachary Warmbrodt, writing in Politico in November, the Fed registered “strong concerns about using the resources of the Federal Reserve to finance fiscal spending.” But former Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke, who is now at the Brookings Institute, acknowledged in a blog post that the Fed could operate with little or no capital. His objection was that it is “not good optics or good precedent” to raid an independent central bank. It doesn’t look good.
Rep. Peter DeFazio (D-Oregon), ranking member on the House Transportation Committee, retorted, “For the Federal Reserve to be saying this impinges upon their integrity, etc., etc. — you know, it’s absurd. This is a body that creates money out of nothing.”
DeFazio also said, “[I]f the Fed can bail out the banks and give them preferred interest rates, they can do something for the greater economy and for average Americans. So it was their time to help out a little bit.”
An Idea Whose Time Has Come
It may be their time indeed. For over a century, populists and money reformers have petitioned Congress to solve its funding problems by exercising the sovereign power of government to issue money directly, through either the Federal Reserve or the Treasury.
In the 1860s, Abraham Lincoln issued debt-free US Notes or “greenbacks” to finance much of the Civil War, as well as the transcontinental railroad and the land-grant college system. In the 1890s, populists attempted unsuccessfully to revive this form of infrastructure funding. In the Great Depression, Congress authorized the issuance of several billion dollars of US Notes in the Thomas Amendment to the 1933 Agricultural Adjustment Act. In 1999, Illinois Rep. Ray LaHood introduced the State and Local Government Economic Empowerment Act (H. R. 1452), which would have authorized the US Treasury to issue interest-free loans of US Notes to state and local governments for infrastructure investment.
Law professor Timothy Canova plans to reintroduce this funding model if elected to represent Florida’s 23rd Congressional district, where he is now running against the controversial Debbie Wasserman Schultz, current chair of the Democratic National Convention. Prof. Canova wrote in a December 2012 article:
. . . Wall Street bankers and mainstream economists will argue that greenbacks and other such proposals would be inflationary, depreciate the dollar, tank the bond market, and bring an end to Western civilization. Yet, we’ve seen four years of the Federal Reserve—now on its third quantitative-easing program—experimenting with its own type of greenback program, creating new money out of thin air in the form of credits in Federal Reserve Notes to purchase trillions of dollars of bonds from big banks and hedge funds. While the value of the dollar has not collapsed and the bond market remains strong, neither have those newly created trillions trickled down to Main Street and the struggling middle classes. The most significant effect of the Fed’s programs has been to prop up banks, bond prices, and the stock market, with hardly any benefit to Main Street.
In a January 2015 op-ed in the UK Guardian titled “European Central Bank’s QE Is a Missed Opportunity,” Tony Pugh concurred, stating of the US and European QE programs:
Quantitative easing, as practised by the Bank of England and the US Federal Reserve, merely flooded the financial sector with money to the benefit of bondholders. This did not create a so-called wealth affect, with a trickle-down to the real producing economy.
. . . If the EU were bold enough, it could fund infrastructure or renewables projects directly through the electronic creation of money, without having to borrow. Our government has that authority, but lacks the political will. The [Confederation of British Industry] has calculated that every £1 of such expenditure would increase GDP by £2.80 through the money multiplier. The Bank of England’s QE programme of £375bn was a wasted opportunity.
According to IMF director Christine Lagarde, writing in The Economist in November 2015:
IMF research shows that, in advanced economies, an increase in investment spending worth one percentage point of GDP raises the overall level of output by about 0.4% in the same year and by 1.5% four years after the spending increase.
In a December 2015 paper titled “Recovery in the Eurozone: Using Money Creation to Stimulate the Real Economy”, Frank van Lerven expanded on this research, writing:
For the Eurozone, statistical analysis of income and consumption patterns suggests that €100 billion of newly created money distributed to citizens would lead to an increase in GDP of around €232 billion. Using IMF fiscal multipliers, our empirical analysis further suggests that using the money to fund €100 billion increase in public investment would reduce unemployment by approximately one million, and could be between 2.5 to 12 times more effective at stimulating GDP than current QE.
The Hyperinflation Myth
The invariable objection to exercising the government’s sovereign money-creating power is that it would lead to hyperinflation, but these figures belie that assumption. If adding €100 billion for infrastructure increases GDP by €232 billion, prices should actually go down rather than up, since the supply of goods and services (GDP) would have increased more than twice as fast as demand (money). Conventional theory says that prices go up when too much money is chasing too few goods, and in this case the reverse would be true.
In a November 2015 editorial, the Washington Post admonished Congress for blurring the line between fiscal and monetary policy, warning, “Many a banana republic . . . has come to grief using its central bank to facilitate government deficit spending.” But according to Prof. Michael Hudson, who has studied hyperinflations extensively, that is not why banana republics have gotten into trouble for “printing money.” He observes:
The reality is that nearly all hyperinflations stem from a collapse of foreign exchange as a result of having to pay debt service. That was what caused Germany’s hyperinflation in the 1920s, not domestic German spending. It is what caused the Argentinean and other Latin American hyperinflations in the 1980s, and Chile’s hyperinflation earlier.
Promising Possibilities
Any encroachment on the Fed’s turf is viewed by Wall Street and the mainstream media with alarm. But to people struggling with mounting bills and crumbling infrastructure, the development has promising potential. The portal to the central bank’s stream of riches has been forced open, if just a crack. The trickle could one day become a flow, a mighty river of liquidity powering the engines of productivity of a vibrant economy.
For that to happen, however, we need an enlightened citizenry and congressional leaders willing to take up the charge; and that is what makes Prof. Tim Canova’s run for Congress an exciting development.
__________________
Ellen Brown is an attorney, founder of the Public Banking Institute, and author of twelve books including the best-selling Web of Debt. Her latest book, The Public Bank Solution, explores successful public banking models historically and globally. Her 300+ blog articles are at EllenBrown.com. Listen to “It’s Our Money with Ellen Brown” on PRN.FM.

Source: http://ellenbrown.com/2016/01/16/the-citadel-is-breached-congress-taps-the-fed-for-infrastructure-funding/

Friday, 24 July 2015

Analysis of the various species of value judgements (Value of money)



By Giacinto Auriti

In order to eliminate the confusion between the various species of value judgements, within which also to include the value of money, we should use the expression of mathematical logic of the following hypothesis.

a) Act useful to the only operative subject
If we denote by t' the first phase (instrumental) of the value, with t" the second phase (hedonistic), with U the utility and with X the operative subject, we can express the useful act with the formula

t' U X
______
t" X

b) Act of liberality

If the act is designed useful as well as its own behalf and also on behalf of another entity Y, the case can be expressed in the formula

t' U X
__________
t" (X + Y)

in which both parties participate in the hedonistic moment of the act in place of X.

c) Contract of corresponding performance

When considering a swap contract between the two entities X and Y, since each is acting on its own behalf and others, the act can be expressed in the contract as sum of the following elements:

t' U X t' U' Y
__________ + ___________ + U"
t "(X + Y) t" (X + Y)

It is in fact carried in the contract an additional utility (U") that emerges from the following consideration. If you speculate two acts of reciprocal donation is obtained ex post an identical result to that of a swap contract. It is obvious that if, the parties instead of establishing two acts of donation, establish a mutual agreement, it means that there is a reason for doing the obvious consideration that everyone is willing to give his performance only and when they are getting the counter-performance by the other party. This prediction of the behaviour of others as a condition of it therefore, the conventional element of the contract. This means that in a contract resides different and superior utility to that of the services and of the consideration. That's why the utility of performance and counter-performance - that are credit values - must be added the further conventional utility U" with the participation of both parties.
Therefore, the swap contract may be expressed in the formula

t' U + U' + U" (X + Y)
______________________
t" (X + Y)

where t' and t" are, respectively, the phase of the instrumental and the hedonistic value; U and U' are respectively the values of performance and counter-performance and U" the usefulness of the contract that - as stated above – is in addition to those traded.

d) Conventional monetary value. The induced value

In the monetary issuing it is established a convention that produces mere utility without creating exchange.
Being here the convention in order to measure the value of goods and having each unit of measure the quality corresponding to that of the object to be measured, such as the meter has the quality of the length measurement because it measures the length, so the currency has the quality of the value because it measures the value.
Thus it was born the monetary value embedded in the symbols of legal tender, without any other cost that the mere activity of mental group (which is precisely the Convention) and its formal manifestation (paper money).

If you then expresses Um with the conventional monetary value and with A, B, C, D, ... N the individuals who accept the currency, the monetary agreement may be expressed in the following formula:

t' Um (A + B + C + ... N)
_____________________
t" Um (A + B + C + ... N)
......................
tn Um ....... etc..

It occurs in this case, the persistence of the value incorporated in monetary symbol Um because the unit of measurement is in itself a comodity at repeat-use.
That's why - we repeat - there is a clear distinction between the own conventional value of the currency and the credit value own of the promissory note. The promissory note is extinguished by the payment, the currency continues to circulate after each transaction indefinitely.
Because this value is independent from compulsory inter-subjective relationships, it binds in such way to the symbol in which is embodied to look like even a property of matter: the so-called intrinsic value of gold or gold paper. That is that the currency despite being a legal case - because an intangible asset recorded of conventional value (currently unduly burdened with debt) – it is the subject of property rights in all jurisdictions.
We can therefore conclude that the element defined in the formula Um is an induced value that was born in the monetary symbol similarly to what happens in the creation of electricity which arises in the dynamo.
In the dynamo energy source is the magnetic field produced by the electrodes, similarly to what happens in creation of the monetary values caused by a field of conventional relationships, ie by a set of expectation for others' behaviour as a condition of, which binds all citizens. Everyone is in fact willing to accept the currency against commodity because expected to give money against goods.
Since the currency is conventional measure of the value, and then the value of the measure (and each unit of measure is conventionally established), in a symbol born the induced value that is the value of the measure that determines the birth of a new commodity.

As with the dynamo - for induction physical - mechanical energy is transformed into electrical energy, so with the currency - for legal induction - turns the conventional value, a fumus iuris (prima facie[A]), in the real value of an asset to be property rights: the currency.[9]

Extract from The international regulation of monetary system by Giacinto Auriti

Friday, 5 June 2015

Victory: Hungary Orders The Rothschild Banks To Leave The Country

Hungary kicks out the international Monetary Fund

By: Sophia Akram  |on 4th June 2015
hungary  in 2013  finally kicked out the international monetary fund  imf  from its country © press
Hungary, in 2013, finally kicked out the International Monetary Fund (IMF) from its country.
Hungary, in 2013, finally kicked out the International Monetary Fund (IMF) from its country. In July it announced its plans to repay the IMF bailout and for it to vacate the Budapest office. By August the same year, the Central European country had indeed arranged early payment of the loan.
A kindly worded letter from Gyorgy Matolcsy, the head of Hungary’s CentralBank , asked Managing Director, Christine Lagarde of the International Misery Fund, as some have fondly nicknamed it, to close the office as it was not necessary to maintain it any longer.
The Prime Minister, Viktor Orban, seemed keen to ease off austerity measures and prove that the country could go it alone. It in fact issued its first bond in 2011, borrowing off the global markets.
Hungary borrowed €20 billion loan to avoid becoming insolvent during the economic crisis in 2008. But the debtee debtor relationship has not been smooth sailing.
Many criticised the Prime Minister as making an ill-advised decision in order to win an election, which was due in 2014. He also wanted to refrain from having too many foreign eyes on their economic policies, as many reforms were criticised as being undemocratic.
Paying the loan back early has meant Hungary have saved €11.7 million worth of interest expenses, but Gordan Bajnai, leader of the electoral alliance E14-PM, claimed that they had actually lost €44.86 million by March 2014 because of the early repayment as all they did was replace the loan from the International Mafia Federation (another nickname, we’re still talking about the IMF here) with a more expensive one, labelling the stunt as Propaganda .
And what made further nonsense; another loan at high interest rates was signed to finance a nuclear upgrade, which will mean not only higher repayments but also high electricity costs. But they do have economic sovereignty now. 
Many have claimed that the IMF AKA ‘Imposing Misery and Famine’, are owned by the Rothschild group, the biggest banking group in the world, having their fingers in almost every central bank in the world. This means that not only do they make money off usurious interest rates at the misfortune of crumbling economies, they also literally own Governments and people of power – I mean they have considerable influence.
Escaping the banking clutches is therefore, iconic. Iceland joined Hungary in 2014 when it paid back its $400 million loan ahead of schedule after the collapse of the banking sector in 2008 and Russia, of course bowing down to no Western puppeteer, freed itself in 2005.
The return of these three countries to financial independence has been said to be the first time a European country has stood up to the international fund, since Germany did so in the 1930sGreece is anxiously trying to make payments but missing them as we all stand on the sidelines routing for them to stick two fingers up to the ‘International M***** F******’.
Link: http://www.neonnettle.com/news/1450-victory-hungary-orders-the-rothschild-banks-to-leave-the-country